Of utmost concern to the health of the federation are the two breeding challenges that have dominated the political discourse in recent times. The quest for revisiting the National Finance Commission (NFC) is the first of those challenges. There have been talks to revise the NFC in order to promote sustainability, especially in the economic paradigm. For instance, the Honourable Minister for Planning and Development has proposed a reduction in the weightage given to the population of the provinces, which is currently at 82%.
This is a commendable measure as it will help to tackle the perennial menace of population boom that has offset the supply-demand parity in a number of societal domains, ultimately burdening the economic profile of the country. Moreover, the existing resource allocation criteria has been to the detriment of both the centre and the provinces as according to Article 160(3) of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973, the provincial share in NFC cannot be less than what was decided in the 7th NFC Award: 57.5%.
The centre remains at a disadvantage as it has the exclusive responsibility of repaying the debt whilst also contributing to the burgeoning defence expenditure, which is warranted considering the recent rise in terrorism, especially in KPK and Balochistan. The criteria is inimical for the provinces in a way that it has arrested their revenue generation capacity, making them overly dependent on the federal divisible pool.
Though tangible steps remain to be taken in this regard, the NFC can perhaps be modified to include more parameters such as environmental resilience and industrial growth. Even health and education standards can be included in the criteria. Such measures will help to increase the stakes of the provincial government in these sectors, fomenting socioeconomic uplift in the true sense. Despite the optics favouring sustainability, much hinges upon the preliminary meeting of the 11th NFC Award.
The debate on the creation of new provinces and the subsequent backlash to the proposal is yet another national challenge. It has been unfortunate that the administrative units of the country have been misused as tools of identity politics, shunning any tangible reforms for the masses. As a result, these units have harboured dynastic politics, which has emerged as a hallmark of the country’s political culture.
With the civil military bonhomie in place and a strong coalition in the centre, the time is ripe to divide the country into units that are truly administrative, ones that truly cater to the public service delivery. There has been a proposal that the 32 administrative divisions will be upgraded to the status of provinces. Whatever the dividing criteria may be, it is tantamount to ensure that the division entails an administrative segregation, not a communal one.
Delving back into history, smaller administrative units have at times performed better. For instance, before the implementation of the One Unit Scheme, the princely state of Khairpur rose to prominence due to its sustainable socioeconomic indicators, which were pro-growth and attracted industrial development. Under the astute leadership of Mumtaz Qazilbash, the princely state managed to attract investments in two industrial units and subsequently have a GDP growth rate of 2%, an achievement at that time.
This economic development translated into the social sphere as well. Khairpur, back then, was one of the few princely states to have a high school for girls, the Naz Pilot School, which even had boarding facilities. The example of Khairpur Riyasat is likely to embolden the emerging administrative units to earn self-sufficiency in socioeconomic development. Through the creation of new units, the state will diligently act as an enabler in this regard.
Having discussed the two confronting challenges, it is vital to address the root cause of underdevelopment in the socioeconomic sector of the country. The sole reason for this is the failure to actualize the essence of Article 140A of the Constitution, the local government system. It is the national responsibility for every citizen of this country to realize that local issues have local solutions.
Resorting to provincial or even federal remedies isn’t a sustainable venture. Be it the obstinacy of the provincial stakeholders or the political illiteracy of the electorate, the local government system hasn’t truly evolved in Pakistan. It is absolutely redundant in some areas such as the capital. It has been given a structure in some provinces such as Sindh, in what is called deconcentration, the weakest form of decentralization. What will alleviate this misery in the longer run is the devolution of authority to the local government on the lines of the Kerala Model.
In order to ensure that, various constitutional safeguards, including at least a five year tenure protection, need to be enacted for the local bodies, just as India did in the 74th Constitutional Amendment. The deficit in public service delivery, with its widespread manifestations in health crisis, education crisis, gender-based violence (GBV), environmental hazards and economic setbacks, can be resolved only when a vibrant and democratic local government system is put in place.
To conclude the discussion, democracy everywhere has a beguiling and indispensable feature in the political tug of war. This however must not impede the public service delivery. To ensure that, the devolution of authority remains pivotal, be it through the equitable distribution of resources, the creation of more units or the enactment of a local government system.
Disclaimer: The views expressed in the article are of the author and do not necessarily represent the institute’s policy.
Authored by: Dr Aiwaz Ahmed Junejo is a resident at the Department of Medicine, PIMS, Islamabad .
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